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沈弘毅

在2024年新浪杯赛场首日，沈弘毅和张维维这一对新同伴，以赢8洞剩7洞的历史最大胜差震撼全场。他们不但为冯珊珊队稳稳拿下一分，也为这场年度收官战留下了最值得回味的一幕。

2024年，是沈弘毅前进飞速的一年。他曾坦言，自己已往经常在小角逐中施展精彩，但一到主要赛事，往往难以顶住压力。而2024年，他将自己投身于更麋集的国际赛场节奏之中?，从亚太业余锦标赛到海内外多项高水平角逐，徐徐学会了在大?时势下稳定心态，也?逐步找到了与天下?接轨的节奏。

“着实这一年我真的加入了许多角逐，尤?其是像亚太业余锦标赛这种级别的角逐，能让我感受到差别，也逼?着自己更成熟一点。”沈弘毅说。他在亚太业余锦标赛首轮便打出66杆，排名并列第二，一度站在争冠集团之中，这样的体现已远超去年的并列第24名，也让他最先正视“打大赛”的能力。

新浪杯，是他2024年的最后一战，也成了他检视自身生长的总结节点。来到风神球场前，他和张维维的同伴已经由队长冯珊珊预先安排，但两人彼时尚未碰面。没想到，仅仅三天时间，两人就建设起超乎寻常的信任与默契——一个敢打、一个互补；一个进攻、一个兜底，在四人四球赛中默契如久战战友。

“我跟维维姐就感受像之前一起打过一样，特殊有默契。她开局特殊好，直接?就把我?带进节奏了。中心她有几个洞冒泡，我也恰恰推进了几个小鸟，恰恰能相互补位。”沈弘毅说。

这场胜利来得酣畅，却并不?轻松。他们的敌手是来自梁文冲队的黄金同伴——男子中巡五冠王、奖金王金子豪和女子中巡最年轻双冠王周诗媛组合。在赛前得知对阵表后，张维维和沈弘毅都做好了酣战的准备，甚至预计会打到最后一洞。但正是这种心理预设，让他们从1号洞起就迅速进入战斗状态，开?局就?连连抓鸟。

“作为我们队最后一组进场的球员，着实能看到前面队友的战况。我就想着，我们需要有一个?组合打出大比分，告诉其他人——我们可以。这是鼓舞士气的一件事，也是责任感所在。”沈弘毅说。

让沈弘毅感应收获更多的是新浪杯除了四人四球赛、四人两球赛之外，尚有最后一天的小我私家对抗赛。?而他在小我私家对抗赛上的敌手是刚刚斩获202?4中巡赛奖金王、整年五冠王的金子豪。虽然在最后时刻单挑失败，但沈弘毅照旧很是珍惜这次难堪的近距离对抗时机。“比洞赛可以说?更磨练心理素质的对抗。你?必需学会翻篇，?哪怕前一洞打得再差，下一洞照旧要完全遗忘。我以为这对我启发很大，由于我自己有时间确实会有点太纠结、太较真。”

从“打欠好就自责”的年轻球员，到“明确快速翻篇”的稳固选手，沈弘毅身上那?种“慢热后的爆发力”最先被?更多人看到。他不再是谁人只在小赛场发光的业余小将，而是逐渐具备了?与职业能手对话的能力与信心。

“如?果明年尚有时机加入新浪杯，我肯定照旧想?和张维维姐继续同伴，”他说，“但可能明年，我会?去加入职业考试了。”

话语未几，却坚定。3或许，未来某一天，当沈弘毅真正走上职业赛场，回望这段用三天建设默契、用一年沉淀生长的旅程，他会谢谢谁人在新浪杯爆发的自己。

声明：新浪网?独家稿件，未经授权榨取转载！

软件APP

• “谢谢大赛提供的平台，让我们职工在海岛坚守33年的故事被更多人知晓。
• 花茂村整体依托花茂制陶工业基础，进一步挖掘、提炼陶艺文化，在这里打造了一条集陶艺制作、展示及销售为一体的陶艺一条街。
• 　　黃金短期技術远景　　Bednarik体现，黃金日線圖顯示，金價在6月/7月反彈走勢的61.8%斐波那契回撤位周围遇到買家，該回撤位約為2366美元/盎司，這是一個關鍵支撐位
• 座谈会上，与会企业对各自工业工人步队建设刷新事情推进情形、履历做法举行了总结，梳理了自身保存的问题和缺乏。
• 这是天下唯一的拉祜族自治县——云南省澜沧拉祜族自治县木戛乡哈卜吗村小学。

点评装置

• [][][]　　新华社北京7月9日电习近平给中国国家博物馆老专家的回信　　中国国家博物馆的老专家们：　　你们好！来信收悉。
• 　　航行营地数目少，航空运动喜欢人群培育平台稀缺。海南省航空运动协会建设近5年，会员仍缺乏20家。现有航行营地也保存使用率低、运维本钱高等问题。在？诩鬃踊，机库终年停放飞机不凌驾10架，机场跑道年均起降次数缺乏百次；儋州西庆机场则仅供一家通航企业低空作业使用，很少在外地执飞。
• 新的征程上，要坚持在重大事情、重大斗争一线作育干部、磨炼干部，建设健全干部实践磨炼制度，深化干部交流“源泉工程”，有组织、有妄想地把干部放到墟落振兴、项目建设、助企生长、信访维稳、巡视巡察等岗位，通过揭榜挂帅、挂图作战、亮灯督查等形式，推动干部多啃一啃“硬骨头”、接一接“烫手山芋”、当一当“热锅上的蚂蚁”，增强推动高质量生长本事、效劳群众本事、提防化解危害本事。
• 中国科学院院士、复旦大学隶属中山医院信用院长樊嘉体现，作为天下首个综合类国家医学中心建设单位，该院始终鼎力大举勉励医务职员于临床事情中起劲开展发明创立，全力以赴作育医生发明家”与医生科学家”，为医学事业的蓬勃生长注入源源一直的活力。
• 二是坚决对账销号，每月将使命销账情形报送省脱贫攻坚向导组按期转达，倒逼问题“清零”。

点评官方版

WASHINGTON — An extraordinary breach has emerged between Donald J. Trump and the national security establishment, with Mr. Trump mocking American intelligence assessments that Russia interfered in the election on his behalf, and top Republicans vowing investigations into Kremlin activities. On Saturday, intelligence officials said it was not until the week after the election that the C. I. A. altered its formal assessment of Russia’s activities to conclude that the government of President Vladimir V. Putin was not just trying to undermine the election, but had also acted to give one candidate an advantage. Wary of being seen as politicizing their findings, C. I. A. analysts had been reluctant to come to that conclusion in the midst of the election — even as many supporters of Hillary Clinton believed it was obvious, given the leak of emails from her campaign chairman and others. One intelligence official said there were indications in early October that the Russians had shifted their focus to harm Mrs. Clinton. The C. I. A. ’s slowness in shifting its assessment, another official said, was one reason President Obama ordered a full review of “lessons learned” on the operation to influence the election. But the disclosure of the findings prompted a blistering attack against the intelligence agencies by Mr. Trump, whose transition office said in a statement on Friday night that “these are the same people that said Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction,” adding that the election was over and that it was time to “move on. ” Mr. Trump has split on the issue with many Republicans on the congressional intelligence committees, who have said they were presented with significant evidence, in closed briefings, of a Russian campaign to meddle in the election. The rift also raises questions about how Mr. Trump will deal with the intelligence agencies he will have to rely on for analysis of China, Russia and the Middle East, as well as for covert drone and cyberactivities. At this point in a transition, a is usually delving into intelligence he has never before seen, and learning about C. I. A. and National Security Agency abilities. But Mr. Trump, who has taken intelligence briefings only sporadically, is questioning not only analytic conclusions, but also their underlying facts. “To have the of the United States simply reject the narrative that the intelligence community puts together because it conflicts with his a priori assumptions — wow,” said Michael V. Hayden, who was the director of the N. S. A. and later the C. I. A. under President George W. Bush. With the partisan emotions on both sides — Mr. Trump’s supporters see a plot to undermine his presidency, and Mrs. Clinton’s supporters see a conspiracy to keep her from the presidency — the result is an environment in which even those basic facts become the basis for dispute. Mr. Trump’s team lashed out at the agencies after The Washington Post reported that the C. I. A. believed that Russia had intervened to undercut Mrs. Clinton and lift Mr. Trump, and The New York Times reported that Russia had broken into Republican National Committee computer networks just as they had broken into Democratic ones, but had released documents only on the Democrats. For months, the has strenuously rejected all assertions that Russia was working to help him, though he did at one point invite Russia to find thousands of Mrs. Clinton’s emails. There is no evidence that the Russian meddling affected the outcome of the election or the legitimacy of the vote, but Mr. Trump and his aides want to shut the door on any such notion, including the idea that Mr. Putin schemed to put him in office. Instead, Mr. Trump casts the issue as an unknowable mystery. “It could be Russia,” he recently told Time magazine. “And it could be China. And it could be some guy in his home in New Jersey. ” The Republicans who lead the congressional committees overseeing intelligence, the Pentagon and the Department of Homeland Security take the opposite view. They say that Russia was behind the election meddling, but that the scope and intent of the operation need deep investigation, hearings and public reports. One question they may want to explore is why the intelligence agencies believe that the Republican networks were compromised while the F. B. I. which leads domestic cyberinvestigations, has apparently told Republicans that it has not seen evidence of that breach. Senior officials say the intelligence agencies’ conclusions are not being widely shared, even with law enforcement. “We cannot allow foreign governments to interfere in our democracy,” Representative Michael McCaul, a Texas Republican who is the chairman of the Homeland Security Committee and was considered by Mr. Trump for secretary of Homeland Security, said at the conservative Heritage Foundation. “When they do, we must respond forcefully, publicly and decisively. ” He has promised hearings, saying the Russian activity was “a call to action,” as has Senator John McCain of Arizona, one of the few senators left from the Cold War era, when the Republican Party made opposition to the Soviet Union — and later deep suspicion of Russia — the centerpiece of its foreign policy. Representative Peter T. King, Republican of New York and a member of the House Intelligence Committee, said there was little doubt that the Russian government was involved in hacking the Democratic National Committee. “All of the intelligence analysts who looked at it came to the conclusion that the tradecraft was very similar to the Russians,” he said. Even one of Mr. Trump’s most enthusiastic supporters, Representative Devin Nunes, Republican of California, said on Friday that he had no doubt about Russia’s culpability. His complaint was with the intelligence agencies, which he said had “repeatedly” failed “to anticipate Putin’s hostile actions,” and with the Obama administration’s lack of a punitive response. Mr. Nunes, the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, said that the intelligence agencies had “ignored pleas by numerous Intelligence Committee members to take more forceful action against the Kremlin’s aggression. ” He added that the Obama administration had “suddenly awoken to the threat. ” Like many Republicans, Mr. Nunes is threading a needle. His statement puts him in opposition to the position taken by Mr. Trump and his incoming national security adviser, Michael Flynn, who has traveled to Russia as a private citizen for RT, the news operation, and attended a dinner with Mr. Putin. Mr. Nunes’s contention that Mr. Obama was captivated by a desire to “reset” relations with Russia is also notable, because Mr. Trump has said he is trying to do the same — though he is avoiding that term, which was made popular by Mrs. Clinton in her failed effort as secretary of state in 2009. There are splits both within the intelligence agencies and the congressional committees that oversee them. Officials say the C. I. A. and the N. S. A. have not always shared their findings with the F. B. I. which they often distrust. The question of how vigorously to investigate also has a political tinge: Democrats on the Senate Intelligence Committee, for example, are pushing hard for a broad investigation, while some Republicans are resisting. Intelligence can also get politicized, of course, and one of the running debates about the disastrously mistaken assessments of Iraq that Mr. Trump often cites is whether the intelligence itself was tainted or whether the Bush White House read it selectively to support its march to war in 2003. But what is unfolding in the argument over the Russian hacking is more complex, because tracking the origin of cyberattacks is complicated. It is made all the harder by the fact that the C. I. A. and the N. S. A. do not want to reveal human sources or technical abilities, including American software implants in Russian computer networks. This much is known: In a hacking group long associated with the F. S. B. — the successor to the old Soviet K. G. B. — got inside the Democratic National Committee’s computer systems. The intelligence gathering appeared to be fairly routine, and it was unsurprising: The Chinese, for instance, penetrated Mr. Obama’s and Mr. McCain’s presidential campaign communications in 2008. In the spring of 2016, a second group of Russian hackers, long associated with the G. R. U. a military intelligence agency, attacked the D. N. C. again, along with the private email accounts of prominent Washington figures like John D. Podesta, the chairman of Mrs. Clinton’s campaign. Those emails were ultimately published — a step the Russians had never taken before in the United States, though the tactic has been used often in former Soviet states and elsewhere in Europe. That moved the issue from espionage to an “information operation” with a political motive. One person who attended a classified briefing on the intelligence said that the investigators had explained that the malware used in the cyberattack on the D. N. C. matched tools previously used by hackers with proven ties to the Russian government. That sort of “pattern analysis” is common in cyberinvestigations, though it is not conclusive. But the intelligence agencies had more: They had managed to identify the individuals from the G. R. U. who oversaw the hacking efforts. That may have come from intercepted conversations, spying efforts, or implants in computer systems that allow the tracking of emails and text messages. In briefings to Mr. Obama and on Capitol Hill, intelligence agencies have said they now believe that what began as an effort to undermine the credibility of American elections morphed over time into a much more targeted effort to harm Mrs. Clinton, whom Mr. Putin has long accused of interfering in Russian parliamentary elections in 2011. But to hedge their bets before the election, according to the briefings, the Russians also targeted the Republican National Committee, Republican operatives and prominent members of the Republican establishment, like former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell. However, few of those emails have ever surfaced, save for Mr. Powell’s, which were critical of Mrs. Clinton’s campaign for trying to draw him into a defense of her use of a private computer server. A spokesman for the Republican National Committee, Sean Spicer, disputed the report in The Times that the intelligence community had concluded that the R. N. C. had been hacked. “The RNC was not ‘hacked,’” he said on Twitter. “The @nytimes was told and chose to ignore. ” On Friday night, before The Times published its report, the committee had refused to comment.2019年9月尾，省委主题教育向导小组印发《关于进一步深化主题教育整改落实事情的通知》，梳理联动整改项目清单，统筹抓好省市县乡联动整改，逐项抓落实。但朴槿惠总统并没有将此视为一种选择