冰球突破豪版免费试玩
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冰球突破豪版免费试玩官网
记者左瑞报道? ?0比0,升班马云南玉昆客场再取1分,自?身获得?
更多的客场积分
?
? 本轮对亚泰,是玉昆9天内的一连第三个客场赛事。之前他们先是1比3送给了三镇赛季第一个3分,接着又从蓉城身上抢得一场名贵的平手。先锋恩里克在武汉打入了一个聊胜于无的点球,4天后,中场侯永永在成都攻进一个扳平比分的扫射——同样是当事人的处子进球,当它又一次爆发在邻近终场时,不但是有无积分进账的区别,更主要的是这样的进球鼓舞人心,彰显了球队不平的斗志。
本轮角逐,是玉昆升入中超后空间距离最远、在外漂浮时间最久的一次远征,也是他们首次在白天时段角逐。赛前,安德森再次肯定了成都之行首次从强队身上取分的意义,希望球队继续坚持拼搏精神,起劲争取“从客场拿到更多的分数”。
?
开场后,安德森派出的阵?容与上一轮相?近:徐?宏杰、马丁内斯、弋腾、李松益组成后防地;攻击型中场约尼查继续坐替补席,队?长赵宇豪和内内形成中路纵深,侯永永和叶楚贵活动在左右两侧;恩里克和奥斯卡仍是客队最信任的锋线同伴。
更强的求胜欲望&nbs
上半场不到4分钟,葡萄牙中场内内用左脚踢出一记漂亮的弧线球,但被主队门将吴亚轲飞扑化解。以后,玉昆虽在控球方面略占优势,但亚泰获得了更多的射门时机。第24分钟和第30分?钟,亚泰两次打出高质量进攻,贝里奇的射门让门将马镇做了两次精彩扑救。第39分钟,奥斯卡用一记头球做了回手。
下半场,由于马丁内斯受伤离场,亚泰旧将韩子龙暂时上阵,叶楚贵的位置也举行了响应调解。第49分钟,又是贝里奇在禁区外鼎力大举远射,这一次,马镇的扑救已经于事无补,但门柱挡出了亚泰最有希望的一次得分时机。
第70分钟,安德森用罗竞换下恩里克,迪力穆拉提顶替叶楚贵进场。几名体力充分的生力军?上阵,玉昆用进攻缓解了后防压力。第87分钟,李彪、尹聪耀上场,换下体力下降的侯永永和内内。这让玉昆得以继续增添活力以攻代守,继续向敌手施以足够的压力。
补时阶?段,面临防守强硬究竟、进攻绝不收手的敌手,主队门将吴亚轲也不得倒运用规则,使出“慢行动”延缓接球和开球的时间。终场哨响前,韩子龙主罚的恣意球冲向横梁上空,客队进攻宣告竣事。
? 安德森赛后肯定了球?队的整体体现和执行力,尤其是球队依赖榨取创立出来的一些时机,“若是掌握好了,是可以拿下角逐的。”
更好的助威选择
关于下半场的进攻没能酿成进球,赵宇豪以为运气差了一点,但全队上下先把防守做好,这一点照旧“很棒的”。
竣事三连客,获得2分,玉?昆的这次远征有所收获。本周五,他们将在?玉溪迎来与海港的硬仗。
届时,云南球迷不但可以看到中超卫冕冠军登门献艺,从昆
据悉,玉溪主场靠近四成的观众来自昆明。除?了自驾,选择高铁出行的也不在少数——从昆明站出发,票价38元用时约一小时,抵达玉溪站再转乘免费球迷巴士,用时50分钟。
最新开通的昆明—玉溪往返球迷专线,在昆明市区和呈贡高校区各设三个上车点,优惠票价23元,一个半小时车程便可直达玉溪高原体育运动中心体育场。
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- TEL AVIV — Amid the claims about Donald Trump and Russia emanating in recent months from intelligence agencies led by Obama administration appointees, it is instructive to recall the results of a damning investigation by House Republicans that found Obama’s Defense Department routinely politicized intelligence to fit certain worldviews. [Specifically, the U. S. House of Representatives’ Joint Task Force on U. S. Central Command (CENTCOM) Intelligence Analysis concluded that the intelligence arm of CENTCOM routinely produced intelligence that “distorted, suppressed, or substantially altered” the results of the campaign against the Islamic State. Much of the August 10, 2016 House report remains unreported by the news media. The investigation provides insight into the manner in which Obama administration officials were caught reforming one U. S. intelligence agency to produce results that conformed to a political agenda instead of accurately reflecting intelligence information on the ground. The document deserves a revisit amid unsubstantiated claims about Trump and Russia in recent months that have dominated the discourse after they were amplified by Obama administration intelligence agencies. While most of the media minimized the findings of the House report on CENTCOM, this reporter previously reviewed the document in full and presented the ten most troubling finds. Here they are again, in no particular order: 1 — Top CENTCOM leaders modified intelligence assessments to present an “unduly positive” assessment of combating the Islamic State and training the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF). The complaint alleges that senior leaders within the CENTCOM Intelligence Directorate and JIC, including the Director of Intelligence and other senior intelligence staff, violated regulations, tradecraft standards, and professional ethics by modifying intelligence assessments to present an unduly positive outlook on CENTCOM efforts to train the ISF and combat ISIL. Media outlets have also raised allegations of possible reprisals against individuals within the CENTCOM Intelligence Directorate. … According to multiple interviewees, operational reporting was used as a justification to alter or “soften” an analytic product so it would cast U. S. efforts in a more positive light. No interview provided any instances where operational reporting was used as a justification to come to a more pessimistic conclusion. Additionally, numerous interviewees indicated that analytical products which conflicted with operational reporting were routinely subject to more stringent scrutiny than those that did not. 2 — CENTCOM established an intelligence “fusion center” for intel, but kept out analysts whose views conflicted with senior intelligence leaders. In June 2014, with the ISIL threat apparent, CENTCOM established an intelligence “fusion center,” a specially equipped JIC facility staffed to serve as a “focal point” for intelligence. Interviewees recalled only informal communications noting the center’s establishment, and some were also uncertain about the center’s organizational structure, responsibilities, and how it was determined which JIC analysts would participate. The establishment of the Intelligence Fusion Center also removed some analysts who had the most experience with respect to ISIL and Iraq, including those whose analytic views often conflicted with those of CENTCOM’s senior intelligence leaders, from the production of daily intelligence products. This impact was especially significant given the critical analytic tasks of the Intelligence Fusion Center at this time of paramount importance in the theater. 3 — Restrictions were implemented for analysts whose views dissented from the mainstream inside CENTCOM. Public statements by CENTCOM representatives emphasized close collaboration with other elements of the IC, but many interviewees indicated that in late 2014, senior CENTCOM Intelligence Directorate leaders instructed analysts to cease all external coordination with other IC analysts. The authority to coordinate was restricted to senior officials only, including to leaders of the Fusion Center. Other special arrangements were also put into place to notify the Director of Intelligence in the event that analysts sought to formally “dissent” from analysis produced elsewhere. The restrictions on collaboration have since been partially rescinded. 4 — Analysis was minimized in favor of details from coalition forces while intelligence was skewed to be “optimistic. ” Furthermore, senior leaders also relied on details reported from coalition forces rather than more objective and better documented intelligence reporting. The Joint Task Force can find no justifiable reason why operational reporting was repeatedly used as a rationale to change the analytic product, particularly when the changes only appeared to be made in a more optimistic direction. By supplanting analytic tradecraft with unpublished and ad hoc operational reporting, Joint Intelligence Center (JIC) leadership circumvented important processes that are intended to protect the integrity of intelligence analysis. 5 — Shocking survey results showed analysts believed data was “distorted, suppressed, or substantially altered” by their supervisors. The annual Analytic Objectivity and Process Survey, directed by the ODNI, was conducted from August through October 2015, and included responses from 125 analysts and managers within CENTCOM. The survey results were significantly worse than those of other IC agencies or COCOMs, and showed that a substantial number of CENTCOM respondents felt their supervisors distorted, suppressed, or substantially altered analytic products. Over 50% of analysts responded that CENTCOM procedures, practices, processes, and organizational structures hampered objective analysis, and 40% responded that they had experienced an attempt to distort or suppress intelligence in the past year. Yet despite receiving these results in December 2015, CENTCOM and IC leaders did not take corrective actions to address many of the issues identified in the survey results. 6 — Intelligence analysts declined to be interviewed, possibly out of fear of reprisals from CENTCOM leadership, while the interviews that did take place were under the watchful eyes of DOD officials. Additionally, the Joint Task Force requested interviews with four more analysts whose positions provided them with visibility into the allegations. These analysts declined to be interviewed. Although they did not express their reasons for declining, the Joint Task Force is concerned that some of the analysts may have done so out of fear of potential reprisals for their testimony. For example, as the Joint Task Force’s interviews were commencing, the Director of the DIA publicly characterized reports of the whistleblower’s allegations as exaggerations. It must also be noted that, pursuant to longstanding arrangements between DOD and the Armed Services Committee, DOD insisted on having department officials present during Joint Task Force interviews. 7 — CENTCOM intel agents operated in a “toxic” leadership environment. The Republican lawmakers fingered CENTCOM leaders, and noted the intelligence process was cleaner under previous officials and Lloyd Austin III, who served as commander from . Dozens of analysts viewed the “subsequent leadership environment as toxic”: Survey results provided to the Joint Task Force demonstrated that dozens of analysts viewed the subsequent leadership environment as toxic, with 40% of analysts responding that they had experienced an attempt to distort or suppress intelligence in the past year. 8 — General Austin’s claim to Congress that IS was in a “defensive crouch” did not reflect the data possessed at the time by CENTCOM senior leaders. Although no interviewee remembered the process of preparing the specific press releases and congressional testimony highlighted here, interviewees described a process in which congressional testimony and public affairs statements did not necessarily reflect contemporaneous intelligence assessments. In particular, the Joint Task Force was dismayed to learn that Intelligence Directorate senior leaders seemed unfamiliar with General Austin’s statements to Congress that ISIL was in a “defensive crouch” and indicated this characterization did not reflect their best assessments at the time. 9 — Even after whistleblower complaints and the “alarming” internal survey last year, the Pentagon took no steps to correct its allegedly distorted intelligence process. The Joint Task Force is troubled that despite receiving the whistleblower complaint in May 2015 and receiving alarming survey results in December 2015, neither CENTCOM, the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence, nor the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) took any demonstrable steps to improve the analytic climate within CENTCOM. The survey results alone should have prompted CENTCOM and IC leaders to take corrective action without other inducements. 10 — Mirroring the Benghazi House Committee’s complaints against the State Department, the Joint Task Force here writes it “did not receive access to all the materials it requested” and details a process of denying information and records. Aaron Klein is Breitbart’s Jerusalem bureau chief and senior investigative reporter. He is a New York Times bestselling author and hosts the popular weekend talk radio program, “Aaron Klein Investigative Radio. ” Follow him on Twitter @AaronKleinShow. Follow him on Facebook. With research by Joshua Klein.
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点评装置
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一年之计看两会|@你聊就业
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Sandrinna:
学习链夯实党建链,学习链赋能营业链,意会党建与营业的双向增进机制。
格萨尔:
而我们两国的关系也是云云,上海在美中关系的历史中是个具有意义的重大都会,在30年前,《上海公报》翻开了我们两国政府和两国人民接触来往的新的篇章。
山本由贵:
损害肠道康健:高糖食物经由消化时,会被肠道中的有害菌群迅速发酵,爆发大宗的有害代谢产品。
詹虎:
Woolfe says the incident caused him to suffer two seizures, partial paralysis and the loss of feeling in his face and body. He says he issued a police complaint.
周国强:
”他增补说,“我们需要思索:他们怎样从平博优势中真正获得更多的利益,我们又怎样从他们的优势中获益?在作出决议的时间,是否会损害非经济利益?英国的电动汽车生产显着是一个可以探索的领域
Heili:
Wind数据显示,阻止8月1日,今年以来共有628家上市公司宣布理工业品设置妄想,合计持有理工业品6385个,认购理工业品金额合计3756.7亿元,与去年比照可知,各项指标远低于去年同期