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在许多中国男子?高尔夫球员的眼中，窦泽成的名字就是模范与奋↖斗的代名词。无论是在2014年转职业后快速崭露头角，照旧在美巡赛和绚烂?国际巡回赛（美巡二级赛）上赢得声誉，他的职业生涯都充满了突破与成绩。而履历了数年国际赛场征战后，窦泽成似乎越来越清晰地熟悉到，自己肩负的不但仅是小我私家声誉，尚有推动海内高尔夫生长和为子弟球员铺路的责任。

2024年12月，窦泽成首次亮相新浪杯。他不但以自己在赛场上的精湛武艺，给在场的观众和年轻选手们带来了深刻的印象，也用行动向所有人展示了什么是责任与继续。

1997年出生的窦泽成，早在16岁时便最先在职业赛场崭露头角。2014年转为职业球员后，窦泽成绩了许多人眼中的“奔腾”。在美巡中国赛上，窦泽成一举夺得四个冠军，并?成?为首位在中国赛场?获得百万奖金的球?员。这一系?列的效果让他迅速成为海内高尔夫界的佼佼者，也为他厥后的国际职业生涯涤讪了基础。

窦泽成并未止步于此，他在2017年成为第一位在美巡二级赛——绚烂国际巡回赛上夺冠的中国选手，同年，他也成为了首位获得美巡赛参赛资格的中国大陆选手。随后的几年里，窦泽成在美巡赛和绚烂巡回赛的舞台上继续斗争，并收获了不菲的效果，尤其是在2023年，他在AT T拜伦·尼尔森赛上取得并列第五的小我私家最佳巡回赛效果。

然而，在2024新浪杯的赛场上，已经27岁的窦泽成深知，自己角色已经爆发了玄妙的转变。从一个年轻的挑战者，到现在已是一个有着多年赛场履历的“宿将”，他对高尔夫的明确变得越发深刻，责任感也愈发强烈。在2024新浪杯?的赛前采访中，窦泽成体现，自己之以是加入新浪杯，除了小我私家的竞技需求，更多的是希望为中国高尔夫的生长孝顺自己的一份实力。?他指出，“我们在外面打球，不但希望能提高自己，也希望能通过这样的时机，资助下一代年轻球员少走一些弯路。”

作↙为职业选手，窦泽成在角逐中的体现一如既往地稳健。在与金子豪等海内顶尖职业选手的?强烈对决中，窦泽成不但展示?了自己多年来在国际赛场积累的富厚履历，还与年轻业余后浪们睁开了真诚的互动和交流。他在采访中提到，与倪梓心等年轻选手的互动让他想起了自己年轻时的斗争，“我很开心能和他们一起打球，我希望自己能给他们带来一些正能量，也希望他们能早日站上更高的舞台。”

从2014年转职业至今，窦泽成已经走过了10年的职业生涯。这一起走来?，?他履历了岑岭，也遭遇过低谷，尤其是在美巡赛的征战中，他感受到了亘古未有的压力与挑战。然而，窦泽成并没有因此气馁，相????反，他愈发珍惜自己所拥有的时机。接下来两个赛季拥有绚烂国际巡回赛半卡的他提到：“我原来就在美巡？?的边沿，能不可排进角逐，往往是在最后一刻才知道。”虽然美巡赛的竞争越来越强烈，尤其是关于底层球员来说，生涯空间变得越发狭窄，但窦泽成依然坚持着一颗坚韧的心。

关于窦泽成来说，职业生涯不但仅是一?个个效果的积累，更是一个自我逾越的历程。他不知足于目今的成绩，而是始终在为自己的未来寻找更高的目的，2024新浪杯与后浪同场竞技?的履历也激励着一直他向前， “有压力吗？后浪一波一波上来，我以为这是好事。压力让我准备得更充分，也让我越提议劲。”他说道。

通过与年轻后浪的互动，窦泽成感受?到了中国高尔夫的未来充满希望。他谈到：“看到这些年轻球员们打得越来越好，真的很替他们兴奋。就像当初我自己一样，能从他们身上看到更多的潜力，也让我?感受到一种责任，就是要为他们铺好蹊径，资助他们生长。”

未来，窦泽成希望自己依然坚持着年轻?时?的那份初心和激情，也期待通过自己的起劲，发动更多的年轻球员重新浪杯走向更高的舞台，巅峰再相会。

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• Everyone has theories for why professionals are moving back into parts of cities shunned by their parents’ generation. Perhaps their living preferences have shifted. Or the demands of the labor market have, and young adults with less leisure time are loath to waste it commuting. Maybe the tendency to postpone marriage and children has made city living more alluring. Or the benefits of cities themselves have improved. “There are all sorts of potential other amenities, whether it’s cafes, restaurants, bars, nicer parks, better schools,” said Ingrid Gould Ellen, a professor of urban policy and planning at New York University. “But a huge piece of it,” she said, “I think is crime. ” New research that she has conducted alongside Keren Mertens Horn, an economist at the University of Massachusetts in Boston, and Davin Reed, a doctoral student at N. Y. U. finds that when violent crime falls sharply, wealthier and educated people are more likely to move into and predominantly minority urban neighborhoods. Their working paper suggests that just as rising crime can drive people out of cities, falling crime has a comparable effect, spurring gentrification. And it highlights how, even if many Americans — including, by his own words, Donald Trump — inaccurately believe urban violence is soaring, the opposite trend has brought change to cities. “We’re trying to help people understand what a dramatic difference the reduction in violent crime in particular has made in our environment,” Ms. Ellen said. “That has repercussions far beyond what we think of. The homicide rate has gone down — that’s directly the most important consequence. But there are all sorts of repercussions as well. This really has been a sea change. ” Nationally, violent crime peaked in 1991. It fell precipitously for the next decade, then more slowly through the 2000s (and there’s a whole other set of theories about why that has happened). While homicides have increased recently in some cities, rates remain far below what they were 25 years ago, including in Chicago. (Another reality check, while we’re at it: Mr. Trump said during the 2016 campaign that homicides in his new home in Washington were rising by 50 percent, apparently citing the previous year’s crime statistics. At that time in July, though, the rate in the city was already falling compared with 2015, and by year’s end, it was down by 17 percent.) The new research looked at confidential geocoded data from the 1990 and 2000 censuses, and more recent American Community Surveys, to identify the neighborhoods where more than four million households moved. Using citywide violent crime data from the F. B. I. the scholars tracked the changing probability of different demographic groups moving into central cities, as opposed to suburbs, as crime fell. and movers — and to a lesser degree, whites — appeared significantly more sensitive to changing crime levels in their housing decisions than other groups. and minority households, for instance, didn’t become more likely to move to cities as they grew safer. That may reflect the fact, Ms. Ellen suggested, that families have more experience or confidence in their ability to navigate crime. Or it may suggest that attention to violence is a luxury in housing decisions that the poor and minorities may not have. A household facing racial discrimination, high housing costs or the need to be near supportive family members simply has fewer options — and less leeway to be choosy — than the households that this research identifies. “When cities feel safer, that opens people’s eyes,” Ms. Ellen said of the willingness of new groups to consider these neighborhoods. It’s entirely likely that the arrival of more affluent residents affected crime, too — either by increasing opportunities for property crime in the short term, or by adding eyes on the street and pressure on the police in the long run. Because this research looked at moves that occurred after crime was already falling, the authors believe the movers were reacting to changes in crime and not simply causing it themselves. But the relationship between crime and gentrification in particular is complex. Wealthier residents may bring new tensions to neighborhoods, fearing — and reporting — criminal activity where none exists. And such demographic change in cities could play a role in pressuring the police to pursue tactics that feel unduly aggressive to the people who preceded the newcomers. This study also doesn’t offer evidence that existing residents were displaced by the new arrivals. Many of the urban neighborhoods studied had lost population, so they had room to grow again without pushing existing residents out. But the possibility that these trends portend higher housing costs and more housing demand in the future in poorer, minority neighborhoods adds a cautionary note, Ms. Ellen said, to the declining crime trend.
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