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北京时间5月12日，塞普-斯塔卡（Sepp Straka）在第16?洞保帕取得领先，最终打出68杆，低于标准杆2杆，在费城板球俱乐部举行的储亿锦标赛中战胜肖恩-劳瑞（Shane Lowry），赢得本赛?季第二场胜利。

"这意义重大，是我职业生涯最主要的胜利，"斯塔卡说。

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当劳瑞在16号洞，212码三杆洞，开球失?误未能上?果岭时，斯塔卡将球?打到距洞约30英尺处。劳瑞从浓密长草中切球后，未能推进6英尺保帕推，落到一杆之后。

劳瑞随后在17号洞长距离四杆洞错失22英?尺追平领先者的小鸟推，又在18号洞，?514码四杆洞开球失误，最终以三推柏忌竣事角逐。

这?场主要的后九洞对决以略显平庸的方法收。核顾卡没有压力地两推保帕，成为罗里-麦克?罗伊（三场胜利）之外，美巡赛本赛季又一个多冠王。这位曾代表佐治亚大学参?加大学联赛的奥地利选手，今年1月赢得了美国运通锦标赛，职业生涯已获四场胜利。

斯塔卡的四轮效果为264杆（63-67-66-68），低于标准?杆16杆。?

劳瑞再次与储亿锦标赛冠军失之交臂。他上一次在美巡赛夺冠照旧2019年英国果真赛。2022年他曾赢得欧巡赛BMW欧洲锦标赛。劳瑞本轮打出70杆，平标准杆，与末轮发?起攻击的贾斯汀?-托马斯（67杆）并?列第二名，效果为266杆，低于标准杆14杆。

帕特里克-坎特利（65杆）、雅各布-布里奇曼（Jacob Bridgeman，65杆）和汤米-弗利特伍德（65杆）以268杆，低于标准杆1?2杆的效果并列第四位。

卫冕冠军麦克罗?伊（其四场胜利均来自通例举行地恐慌山谷俱?乐部）始终未能进入状态，本轮?打出68杆，低于标?准杆2杆，以270杆?，低于标准杆10杆并列第七。

安德鲁-诺?瓦克（Andrew Novak）上月与本-格里芬（Ben Griffin）同伴赢得苏黎世新奥尔良精英赛，周日打出当日最低的64杆（-6），最终并列第17名。

索希斯-斯加拉（Sahith Theegala）?因颈部伤势在决赛轮开?始前退赛。

（小风）

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就现在而言，在接下来的24个月里，特斯拉必需销售电动汽车其中，新能源汽车延续快速增添态势，9月产销划分完成130.7万辆和128.7万辆，同比划分增添48.8%和42.3%；1~9月，新能源汽车产销累计完成831.6万辆和832万辆，同比划分增添31.7%和32.5% The only good reason to have a meeting is to deliberate and decide on a shared objective. From that business angle, the March 22 meeting in Washington of the Global Coalition to defeat the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) did not serve any purpose. The US message to its allies was clear: let us alone deal a military blow to ISIL, you deal with the day after. Nothing is ordinary about the tumultuous nature of Donald Trump's presidency, even during what was supposed to be a mundane bureaucratic gathering. As the invited Arab ministers were settling into their hotels, US authorities surprised them by banning electronic devices onboard of flights coming from their national airports. While the meeting was underway at the State Department, US forces airlifted members of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) behind enemy lines in Raqqa and an ISIL-inspired attack was terrorising London. All that matters to the battle against ISIL was not heard in the hallways of the first expanded anti-ISIL coalition meeting in more than two years. The US State Department Secretary Rex Tillerson's remarks did not even mention the three elephants in the room: Russia, Iran and the Kurdish-led SDF forces (he called the latter "our Syrian partners"). Despite the looming budget cuts his department could face, Tillerson stood high and proud expecting that ISIL fighters are tuned "into their TVs and their computer monitors" to watch the global coalition's show of "strength". It is true ISIL's territorial control and leadership were degraded during the final stretch of the previous US administration and the campaign has intensified in the past three months. We are now in a transitional period where ISIL will metamorphose into decentralised and uncontrolled individuals who launch attacks sporadically with basic, unsophisticated tools. Engaging global partners is crucial to enlist their efforts, the US can no longer go alone. Drones can win battles but are not enough to protect the US from possible attacks in the long term. US allies left Washington more confused than when they arrived. The confusion is due to the perception that the Trump administration had created about having an awesome secret plan no one will see coming. The mere gathering of the Global Coalition is a subtle continuation of President Barack Obama's strategy to defeat ISIL: launching systematic air strikes; increasing US support for local forces; deploying non-combat US special forces; cooperating on global counterterrorism efforts; and providing humanitarian assistance to displaced civilians. What the Trump administration is doing "differently" is more of the same: intensify already existing strikes, deploy additional forces and increase support to SDF forces. OPINION: The Sheriff of Manbij: US makes debut in the Syrian War Tillerson made three issues blatantly clear: He told Arab allies, anxious to deter Iran that, "defeating ISIL is the United States' No 1 goal in the region". For those betting on a long-term US involvement, the message was also plain: "We are not in the business of nation-building or reconstruction." The Trump administration is satisfied with the current formula of providing in Iraq and Syria 75 percent of the military resources and 25 percent of humanitarian and stabilisation support. Defeating ISIL alone cannot be a stand-alone strategy and the Trump Administration should first be forthcoming about the fact that there is no significant change in US policy. - The third American message delivered to allies via Tillerson was simple: We alone will take care of business in Iraq and Syria, and all we want from you is to prepare for post-Raqqa and Mosul operations by investing resources, increasing pressure on ISIL networks in your home countries, exchanging intelligence information and combating ISIL online. Defeating ISIL alone cannot be a stand-alone strategy and the Trump administration should first be forthcoming about the fact that there is no significant change in US policy. The two-year tacit understanding between Washington and Tehran still holds: US-trained Iraqi special forces lead the fight in sensitive demographic areas and Iranian-backed Popular Mobilization Units (PMU) mostly stay put. Endorsing SDF forces continues to grow without promising Kurdish forces to back their autonomy and without pushing the buttons of Ankara. While safe zones increasingly disappear from the White House narrative, Tillerson lowered the expectation further and spoke about "interim zones of stability through ceasefires to allow refugees to go home". While that statement alone is desperately vague, the "safe zones" idea was not included in the ministerial meeting's concluding statement. US Defense Secretary James Mattis told the Senate on March 22 that it is in the US national interest to keep a residual force in Iraq even after the defeat of ISIL. In the case of Syria, however, -the Pentagon knew when to go in but struggles with the question of how soon to get out. OPINION: ISIL after Mosul: Insurgency and rivalry For that specific reason, the timing of the anti-ISIL global coalition was premature without a clear path to victory for both Mosul and Raqqa operations. While the US is leading on the military level, chaos along the contested areas on the Iraqi-Syrian border-is expected the day after victory. With no vision for conflict-resolution or power-sharing in place, there are no guarantees that regional infighting will not happen or radical elements will not fill the vacuum once again. Protecting the peace is often far more important than defeating the enemy.- Joe Macaron is a policy analyst at the Arab Center Washington, DC. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.