IT之家 5 月 16 日新闻，据美国? CNBC 报道，美国联邦视察局（FBI）外地?时间周四发出?忠言，称“恶意行为者”正在伪装成美国高级官员，使用 AI 天生的语音信息，针对?现任和前任政府官员及其联系人。FBI 在通告中提醒道：“若是您收到声称是美国高级官员的新闻，请不要轻信其真实性。”?

从上个月最先，?诈骗者通过短信和 AI 语音信息伪装?成美国高级官员，试图通过与目的建设联系，从而获得小我私家账?户的会见权限。

通告中指出，诈?骗者通过向受害?者发送恶意链接，声称链接将会把对话转移到一个新的平台，从而获?得他们?的账户会见权限。一旦会见了美国官员的小我私家或政府账户，恶意行为者便可能使用窃取的信息，进一步攻击其他官员或其?关联职员。

FBI 还指出：“通过社会工程手段获取的联系信息?可能被用来冒充联系人，诱使目的泄露小我私家信息或转账资金。”现在，这一诈骗活动的目的大多是现任或前任美国?联邦?或州政府的高官及其联系人。

此前，FBI 曾忠言称，犯法分子正在使用生?成式 AI 手艺实验更大规模的金融诈骗。此类手艺不但能天生文字、图像?、音频和视频，还能通过这些方法诱骗受害者汇款、成为性勒?索的受害者等。

凭证 FBI 的统计，2024 年网络犯法的三大种别为网络垂纶、勒索和小我私家信息泄露。数据显示，晚年??人群体遭受的损失最大，靠近? 50? 亿美元（IT之家注：?现汇率约合 360.39 亿元人民币）。

广告声明：文内含有的对外跳转链接（包括不限于超链接、二维码、口令等形式），用于转达更多?信息，节约甄选时间，效果仅供参考，IT之家所有文章均包括本声明。

• “Hillary Clinton lied and stole her way to the nomination for the Democrats and Trump bullied his way by insulting every interest group in America, including his fellow Republican opponents,” he added.
• 陕西省人大常委会副主任、省总工会主席李晓英体现，希望宽大职工继续在解决重点领域要害焦点手艺问题中攻坚克难，在提升工业基础高级化、工业链现代化水平中勇领先锋。
• American officials struggling to reimagine their strategy after Britain’s decision to divorce the European Union say the most urgent challenge will be to find a way to replace their most reliable, sympathetic partner in the hallways of European capitals. It will not be easy. No country shares Washington’s worldview quite the way Britain does, they say it has long been the United States’ most willing security ally, most effective intelligence partner and greatest enthusiast of the mantras that have been a keystone of America’s internationalist approach. And few nations were as willing to put a thumb as firmly on the scales of European debates in ways that benefit the United States. Now that quiet diplomatic leverage — including moderating European trade demands and nations to contribute more to NATO military missions — is suddenly diminished. Even if Britain eventually regains its influence on the Continent, a big if, it will be deeply distracted for years. Moreover, the loss of Britain’s strong voice in Europe comes at a particularly bad moment: just as the United States and its allies are debating how to handle a revanchist Russia and reinvigorate NATO, hurry along an trade pact that has been languishing, and work through a diplomatic settlement in Syria that could relieve the migrant crisis in Europe. “When Vladimir Putin is cheering,” David Miliband, the former British foreign minister, said on “Meet the Press” Sunday, “then you know you have got a problem in the international system. ” And then, of course, there is the threat of the Islamic State, which has found in Europe a new battlefield, one in which the development and sharing of intelligence, seamlessly, is critical. Addressing those challenges was daunting enough, American officials say, in the face of the tenor of the American presidential campaign, particularly Donald J. Trump’s questioning of whether alliances are worth it if allies are not willing to pay more for American protection. But now, with Britain’s exit, called Brexit, whatever passed for plans — a Europe that gradually takes a greater role in its region and the Middle East as America devotes more attention to Asia — are imperiled. Like the Arab Spring, the result of Britain’s referendum took Washington by surprise. As late as early last week there was something between a hope and an assumption that the vote would “go the other way,” as Secretary of State John Kerry said in Rome on Sunday. As a result, there was no serious planning for the work of reimagining the European relationship, a task that will face President Obama for the next six months, and his successor for years to come. Mr. Kerry, usually the optimist, sounded almost downbeat as he arrived in Italy. He did not make any references to a “shriveled Europe,” as one of his top aides did in a conversation over the weekend. But he made clear that European allies are also going to have to rethink their relationships with the United States. “ of the nations in the E. U. are members of NATO,” he said less than a minute into his meeting with his Italian counterpart, Paolo Gentiloni. He warned that the most critical step was to “work together to provide as much continuity, as much stability, as much certainty as possible” to “protect the values and interests that we share in common. ” The problem is that no one shares those values and interests quite the way the British do, a belief that no American diplomat would utter in public for fear of offending other members of the European Union. But British officials who have been at the center of that daily interaction say the concern goes both ways. “I worry that we will have less clout on our own: In the future we won’t have as much influence on Europe’s response to Putin’s transgressions, Iran’s nuclear ambitions, or the E. U.’s foreign and security policy,” said Peter Westmacott, one of Britain’s most experienced diplomats and, until January, ambassador to the United States. “And we will be less able to ensure it is U. S. . ” He added that without Britain’s direct involvement, Europe was likely to be less enthusiastic about free trade. Still, Mr. Westmacott noted that “we should be able to cooperate much as in the past on counterterrorism, on intelligence, on cyber and on military issues,” assuming that “our economy does not shrink too much as markets, investors and the Scots take stock of Thursday’s outcome. ” All of which raises the question: If Britain can no longer play that indispensable role for Washington, surely there is another country that can? Perhaps, but it is hard to think of who. It is not a role Germany has shown a real willingness to step into. Its War II ethos still holds it back from committing combat forces, and it is not a member of the inner circle of intelligence sharing called the “Five Eyes,” a club made up of the Anglo victors of World War II. (The other three are Canada, Australia and New Zealand.) A lengthy negotiation to improve the intelligence relationship last year ended with only modest changes. For all of its cooperation with the United States on a variety of issues, Germany still harbors deep suspicions of the United States that were fueled by the revelations from Edward J. Snowden, the former National Security Agency contractor, including the American surveillance of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s cellphone conversations. And American officials were shocked recently when Germany’s foreign minister, Steinmeier, warned that recent NATO exercises to deter Russia from thinking about destabilizing Poland and the Baltic members of the military alliance amounted to “ and warmongering. ” France has also not been as natural a fit with the United States as Britain. While relations have changed drastically since the George W. Bush administration, Paris often goes its own way, including its recent strategy for restarting talks. The Italians, for their part, are too broke, the Netherlands is too small, and Poland does not yet have the clout of older NATO members. Moreover, there is a question of leadership. British leaders were the Europeans most closely aligned with the American negotiating position in the major trade and investment deal being hashed out between the United States and some of its largest trading partners. When Mr. Obama visited London in April, he warned voters that Britain would be excluded from the deal if it left the bloc and would “go to the end of the queue” for its own bilateral trade agreement. But the United States would also lose Britain’s voice in moderating Europe’s trade demands. The intelligence challenges created by Brexit are more subtle. Bilateral cooperation will continue as tightly or more tightly than ever to try to prevent terrorism. But the hope that Britain could improve intelligence sharing among the major European powers — something that is sorely needed — is most likely dashed even as terrorism threats have risen. Over a lunch near the White House a few weeks ago, a senior intelligence official said the obvious solution to intelligence gaps was a far more powerful, intelligence service. It is hard to imagine a new intelligence institution, however, without and GCHQ — the British equivalents of the C. I. A. and the N. S. A. — playing a lead role. And given Britain’s likely preoccupation with the Brexit fallout, it is far from clear how high a priority a new intelligence organization, or a rethinking of NATO strategy, would be for Britain. There is a counterargument that Britain could emerge as a stronger security partner for the United States, that it will value its role in NATO and other institutions all the more. Adm. James Stavridis, who served as the 16th supreme allied commander in Europe and is the dean of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, presented that view in an article in Foreign Policy. He said that a “new British government will presumably be a very motivated NATO partner. ” “Now that it has chosen to become a relatively marginal economic player on the international stage,” he continued, “it will have to look for new ways to demonstrate value in its partnership with the United States if it hopes to maintain anything like the ‘special relationship’ it has become accustomed to (and dependent on). ” But even if Britain seeks a more active role in NATO, it may not be accepted as one by its other members Britain has often been referred to as an American puppet — with other states noting that former Prime Minister Tony Blair followed Mr. Bush into Iraq with few questions. There is nothing permanent about political unions and alliances, of course, and some argue that Britain’s departure from the European Union is not necessarily a calamity for Washington. As James F. Jeffrey, a former American diplomat in the Middle East, and Simon Henderson of the Washington Institute wrote last week, “The U. S. and U. K. were bosom allies for 30 years before Britain joined the E. U. ” But part of what made the special relationship special in an era of global diplomacy was Britain’s ability to act for Washington with the Europeans, to bridge the gap. Now, as one White House official put it, the bridge has been wiped out by a surge that few predicted.
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