基于真实的支持比例，连系即时数据以及?期望值，模拟演算在所有模子下，拟合而成的虚拟数据，即冷热指数
。然后将即时三项指数与冷热指数举行对?比，获得详细对?应选项的冷热水平，为彩民避热防冷，科学?选择提供参考
。

冷热指数使用说明，冷热?列表中：

红色数值代表偏热，与现实数据误差越大说明热度越高
。

蓝色数值代表偏冷，与?实?际数据误差越大说明热度?越?低
。

热度较高的选项需要连系其他因素思量避热
。

大热选项?：切尔?西、曼联

切尔西首战轻取佐加顿斯，球队三线齐整，体能充分，联赛杯赛双线进击，势头争胜
。佐加顿斯客场战力有限，打?法被动节奏缓慢，两队实力差别较大，看好切尔西压制取胜
。

曼联首战完胜毕尔巴鄂竞?技，反?击犀利，边路突进迅猛
。毕尔巴鄂竞技大比分落伍，球队无法施?展防守?功力，球队客战乏力，看好曼联实力双杀
。

?

较热选项：巴黎圣日耳曼、托特纳姆热刺

?

巴黎首战依赖还击击败阿森纳，球队阵容攻击力更强，且主场战力十足
。阿森纳客场战力有限，球队中场控制力一样平常，处于落伍态势，看好巴黎主场拿出强硬体现，不败名堂
。

热刺首战轻取博德闪灼，进?攻端层面先天优势显着，博德闪灼客场战力有限，球队防守端体现松散，球队实力平庸，热刺数据优势凸显，看?好对攻制胜
。

?(新浪彩票独?家稿件榨取转载，违规必究）

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• 　　也有读者体现，易老汉在可以留下彩票的情形下没有动心，将可以彻底改变自己一家人生涯的彩票交给了委托者，“这小我私家（中奖者）应该给人家重重的谢谢
  。”
• SEOUL, South Korea — When Kim the North Korean leader, arrives at the seventh congress of the governing Workers’ Party on Friday, he will essentially be attending his own coronation. Meeting for the first time in a generation, the congress — in theory, the country’s highest body — will cement his status as supreme leader. It will also elect a new central committee, which in turn appoints the party’s Politburo and presidium. Those posts are expected to be filled with a new generation of loyalists whom Mr. Kim has already been elevating through purges and reshuffles, analysts said. By far the most interesting aspect of the meeting will be Mr. Kim’s promotion of his byungjin policy, which calls for simultaneously achieving two seemingly incompatible goals: a nuclear arsenal and economic development. Mr. Kim has accelerated North Korea’s pursuit of nuclear warheads and the ballistic missiles capable of delivering them. As a result, his country has come under more international sanctions, complicating what he defined as his top priority in a New Year’s speech in January: improving living conditions for his people. Analysts said Mr. Kim’s byungjin policy would be reaffirmed as the official party line, though reviving the North’s moribund economy while the country is under sanctions is a difficult prospect. He has said the congress will present “an ambitious blueprint” for his nation. “The congress is an occasion for Kim to officially declare at home and abroad that his era has arrived,” said Koh a professor of North Korean studies at Dongguk University in Seoul. “He will boast about his nuclear weapons and the security they provide as his biggest achievement, and then will exhort his country to focus on rebuilding the economy. ” Some analysts said that after the meeting, Mr. Kim may try to reduce tensions on the Korean Peninsula as a way to encourage China to offer more aid. But others remained skeptical. “Kim will never stop nuclear weapons development,” said Chang an analyst at the Institute for Peace and Unification Studies at Seoul National University. “He does not consider economic reform without nuclear weapons. ” Mr. Kim’s audience will include foreign journalists invited to cover the event, allowing the world a rare glimpse of the supreme leader’s vision for his impoverished yet country. During the last party congress, held in 1980, Mr. Kim’s grandfather, the North’s founding president, Kim spoke for five hours on his party’s achievements, frequently interrupted by applauding delegates. At the time, North Korea still enjoyed a degree of economic and military advantage over South Korea. But things have changed. South Korea’s economy surged ahead, while millions of North Koreans died of hunger during a famine in the 1990s. Refugees fled the failed socialist paradise in the North, many ending up in the capitalist South. Still, North Korea stuck to its command economy, even when the Soviet bloc disintegrated and its communist neighbor, China, adopted market reforms and prospered. Mr. Kim’s father, who came to power in 1994, adopted an emergency “military first” rule, relying on the People’s Army as the main governing tool, and never convened a party congress. He sought nuclear weapons in defiance of United Nations sanctions, telling his people that the weapons would protect their independence and dignity from “the American imperialists. ” Mr. Kim was still in his late 20s when the death of his father, Kim in 2011 catapulted him to the top of the secretive regime. Outside analysts who had predicted openness and diplomatic compromise under his young leadership — Mr. Kim had spent time in Switzerland as a teenager — had a surprise in store. The young man had more than 100 senior party officials or generals, including his own uncle, executed, while he also let the Workers’ Party regain its influence on the military. Thousands more were demoted or banished. He engineered purges with such frequency and ruthlessness that President Park of South Korea called Mr. Kim’s rule a “reign of terror. ” His main selling point domestically has been his image as a strong young leader able to arm his country with nuclear weapons. In recent months, North Korea has tried to bolster that image by reporting success in a flurry of tests of technologies needed to acquire a nuclear strike capability, including the test of what it called a ballistic missile. North Korea conducted the last two of its four nuclear tests under Mr. Kim, including one on Jan. 6. The North also placed two satellites into orbit, the most recent in February, by using rockets widely believed to be a cover for developing an intercontinental ballistic missile. North Korea’s news media did not report what South Korean and United States officials called three successive failures in launching its Musudan ballistic missile in recent weeks. Jeong a South Korean government spokesman, said he suspected that the North Korean military pressed ahead with the doomed tests to help glorify Mr. Kim’s image ahead of the party congress. Such nationalism has proved popular among young North Koreans, said Mr. Chang, whose Institute for Peace and Unification Studies has been tracking public opinion inside the North by interviewing recent defectors. “He is definitely more popular among young people than old,” Mr. Chang said. “Youth” has been a defining key word ahead of the party congress, said Park and Kim researchers at the Korea Institute for National Unification in Seoul. They analyzed more than 1, 500 articles the main North Korean party newspaper, Rodong Sinmun, has carried about the congress, and found “youth” cropping up repeatedly in various political slogans, like “youth power. ” “Kim sought to dispel anxiety over his young leadership and justify a generational change” he is introducing through the party congress, the researchers wrote in a joint paper.
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