由于???本周?进入国家队角逐周，欧洲及亚洲各大主流联赛都按下了暂停键。近期竞彩赛事主要以杯赛及国家?队角逐为主，而本周二竞彩开出?多场英锦赛赛事。但由于英锦赛赛事仅为初级别球队参赛，不少彩民对本项赛?事较为生疏，今天就带各人一起来相识英锦赛赛事的赛制规则。

英锦赛全称英格兰联赛锦标赛(Football League T?rophy)，是英格兰足球联赛核下两个低组别球队竞逐的锦标赛(即英甲和英乙)，因差别?的赞助商而时常更更名称。不过由于英甲联赛和英乙联赛一共有48支球队，并不切合镌汰制球队的数目(需为2的平方数)。以是自2016-2017赛季最先，?英足协制订了全新的赛制，详细如下：

1、参赛球队为24支英甲+24支英乙+16支受邀英超学院队(U23队)共64支球队。

2、64支球队分为南北两个区，每个区分为8组，每组4队；每个小组至少要各有一支英甲、英乙和受邀英?超学院队(U23队)?。

3、第一阶段小组赛为单循环赛制，每队举行3场角逐，积分前两名球队进入镌汰赛。

4、小组赛中胜一场得3分、平?得1分、负为0分。战平需要举行点球大战，点球大战取胜的球队特殊得1分。

5、镌汰赛前两轮为单场镌汰赛，晋级的32支球队凭证各自分区划分决?出4支球队组成最后的8强。而从1/4决赛起，南北两个分区合并，再举行两轮单场镌汰赛决出最终的决赛对阵。决赛将在温布利球场以单场决胜?制决出最后冠军。

6、英甲、英乙球队每场角逐至少?要有5名一线队注册球员首发；受邀的英超学院队(U23队)，每场角逐至少要有6名U21球员首发。

7、赛事总奖金195万英镑。小组赛每?胜一场可获得1万英镑，平一场获得5000英镑。冠军奖金为10万英镑。

上届英锦赛决赛在两支英甲球队睁开，彼得堡联2-1战胜了韦克淙获得冠军。凭证近几届英锦赛的效果，英甲球队已经完成了对英锦赛的4连冠，而?英超学院队(U23队)则鲜有突入1/4决赛的纪录。

别的，由于初级别联赛球队影响力小，主场球迷上座率?将很洪流平上影响球队的收入。以是各支球队都很是重视主场角逐，凭证近两年的数?据，每年127场英锦赛角逐，主队的不败?率都凌驾了70%。关于英锦赛这种有奖金的赛事，主?场?球队一样平常都会爆发出更?强的战力。

（broky）

• BISMARCK, N. D. — About an hour after some 200 police officers cleared the last demonstrators against the Dakota Access Pipeline from their sprawling encampment on the North Dakota prairie last week, Gov. Doug Burgum signed into law four bills aimed at making it easier to control such protests. With a few strokes of a pen, he placed the state in the vanguard of an emerging backlash by conservative forces against political and social advocates who see demonstrations — however unruly — as free speech protected by the Constitution. In a season rife with demonstrations over immigration, pipelines, abortion, women’s rights and more, Republican legislators in at least 16 states have filed bills intended to make protests more orderly or to toughen penalties against ones that go awry. Republicans in two other states, Massachusetts and North Carolina, have said they will file bills. Those numbers include only bills whose sponsors have specifically linked them to protests, said Jonathan Griffin, a policy analyst who tracks the measures at the National Conference of State Legislatures. How many will be enacted is unclear a few already have been pronounced dead in committee. Some sociologists and legal experts say the bills are in line with a general trend toward tougher treatment of protesters after especially disruptive demonstrations like the Occupy Wall Street movement in Manhattan and the 2014 violence in Ferguson, Mo. But interviews and news reports suggest that some of the measures are either backed by supporters of President Trump or are responses to demonstrations against him and his policies. After a Nashville motorist struck safety workers who were escorting protesters at a crosswalk, a Tennessee state representative introduced legislation that would relieve motorists of any liability should they accidentally hit someone deliberately blocking a street. An Iowa bill, filed after about 100 protesters closed Interstate 80 near Iowa City, would make blocking roads a felony punishable by up to five years in prison and $7, 500 in fines. Similar legislation in Mississippi would impose a fine of up to $10, 000. In Washington State, a Republican senator who helped run Mr. Trump’s campaign there filed legislation that would make it a felony to commit “economic terrorism,” defined as intentionally breaking the law to intimidate private citizens or to obstruct economic activity. A Minnesota bill, responding to protests over the police shooting last year of an man in a suburb of St. Paul, would allow cities to sue demonstrators who violate the law for the cost of policing their protests. And in North Carolina, a legislator promised to propose a measure making it illegal to “threaten, intimidate or retaliate” against state officials after hecklers denounced Gov. Pat McCrory, a Republican who lost a bid in November. Those two measures and perhaps others may face constitutional hurdles, said Kevin F. O’Neill, a scholar of protest law at the College of Law at Cleveland State University. “There’s a First Amendment right of access to sidewalks, public squares and even public streets,” he said. “Heckling is a First Amendment right. ” But demonstrators who fail to inform authorities of protest plans and locations and to secure a permit are on far shakier legal ground, he added. In those cases, actions like blocking a street would most likely be subject to prosecution. Most of the proposals appear to address protests that lack permits. In many cases, the bills’ sponsors emphasize that they are trying to improve public safety or keep order, not squelch free speech. “We support the First Amendment altogether and want people to get out and do what they want,” said State Senator George B. Gainer, Republican of Florida, who has proposed legislation that would raise fines for blocking traffic and, like the Tennessee measure, indemnify drivers who accidentally hit protesters. “But they shouldn’t endanger themselves or others. ” Some advocates, however, have their doubts. “There are already laws on the books in states that say if you break something or harm somebody, you’re going to be prosecuted,” said Patrick F. Gillham, a sociologist at Western Washington University who studies protests. “They’re troubling. They potentially have a chilling effect on protest. ” In Georgia, where the State Senate has passed legislation toughening the penalty for obstructing traffic, Worth Bishop, a volunteer for the movement Indivisible, said the proliferation of bills took aim at the First Amendment. “These laws are clearly designed to abridge the right of the people to lawful assembly,” Mr. Bishop said. He called the proposals “intimidation from the right,” saying there was scant demand for the measures from the police. In North Dakota, legislators rejected a bill similar to Tennessee’s that would have shielded motorists. But they enacted measures that expand the criminal trespass law, raise penalties for riot offenses, criminalize wearing masks and hoods while violating the law, and make it easier for police officers to assist local authorities during events like protests. Kyle Kirchmeier, the sheriff in Morton County, N. D. where the main protest camp was, cast the measures as needed additions to existing laws that were insufficient to contain the huge demonstrations. “As this went along,” he said, “there was definitely areas in the law that we’ve seen that weren’t fitting, especially when people tie themselves to equipment and that type of thing. ” But demonstrators and civil liberties advocates sense a dark ulterior motive, and describe the new North Dakota measures as thinly veiled attempts to quell dissent and criminalize protest. The bills passed the legislature with large majorities, and took effect immediately after the governor signed them. “They’re looking for clever ways to send chilling effects,” said Chase Iron Eyes, a prominent pipeline protester and recent congressional candidate who was charged with inciting a riot after a February arrest. “The state will try to devise ways to squash opposition and chill the will of people who are willing to face risks to their liberty to further their cause. ” Opposition to the Dakota Access pipeline led to a remarkable mobilization of activists, many of them Native American, who spent months camped out demanding a halt to construction. The gathering drew international headlines, prompted violent clashes with law enforcement and led to the mobilization of the National Guard and the installation of razor wire and roadblocks on rural byways. In North Dakota, a rural state with a large energy industry where gatherings of such magnitude were unprecedented, the protests exhausted police resources and brought unwelcome scrutiny. “You have something that’s chewing up tens of millions of dollars of extra law enforcement cost that we don’t have,” said Mr. Burgum, a Republican who took office in December when tensions were at a fever pitch, and who ordered the evacuation of the main camp last week. Mr. Burgum, a politician, earned praise for taking a more approach in meeting with tribal officials and protesters, and for arranging for the state to cover the cost of bus tickets and meals for demonstrators who needed help getting home. Kelly Armstrong, a state senator and the chairman of the North Dakota Republican Party, said the political environment in the state was sympathetic to law enforcement, and concerned about the monetary and reputational cost of the protests. “For the most part, everyone in North Dakota was about ready for this to be over about two weeks after this started,” Mr. Armstrong said. “The politics of it, there’s not really an upside to being a politician,” he added, using initials for the pipeline. But in that context, civil liberties advocates see the new laws as especially dangerous. Jennifer Cook, policy director of the American Civil Liberties Union of North Dakota, said there was a “concentrated effort to criminalize protests” in the state and that the new laws were “masked as ways to protect public safety. ” “We know that the bills were inspired by the events down in Morton County,” Ms. Cook said, “and that they are focused on preventing protesters from protesting, essentially. ”
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