来??源： 张晓露 东方体育日报

5月11日是中国足坛名宿?年?维泗92周岁生日
，遵照昔日老例
，徐根?宝赴京组织足坛元老为恩师整体祝寿
。为?传承“感恩”精神
，徐根宝专程凭证中超赛程将祝寿晚?宴提前一天
，以便上?海海港队的武磊、颜骏凌、张琳芃、王燊超、吕文君等“崇明五虎”在竣事当天训练后实时赶到祝寿
，并于当晚赶回上海
。

东方体育日报


，赞1496

“中国足球的效果一直?欠好
，以前条件也很有限
，我70岁生日的时间
，只能和我们几个队员小规模内涮肉庆祝
，不太想让外界关注
。80岁的时间
，根宝给我张罗办生日
，摆了25桌
，连其时分担我们足球的向导也都来了
，那次生日我就说‘空前绝后’?
。但到90岁生日
，也没‘绝后’
，91岁
，92岁
，继续聚会庆祝……我想
，这不是对我年维泗的祝寿
，更主要是见证我们足球界的传承
，我们要传承什么？我以为是6个字‘感恩、?团结、奋进’
。”年维泗看到从徐根宝、容志行、戚务生、金志扬、马元安、胡之刚、高洪波直至“崇明五虎”齐聚一堂
，簇拥着自己走到生日蛋?糕前面时
，有些溢于激动
，眼眶湿润
。原中国足协副主席薛立为年迈寿辰专门献上书法
，划分取自老?子《品德经》的“虚怀若谷”及诸葛亮《诫子篇》的“养德泽福”
。

徐根宝则用“相聚”替换了恩师谈到的“?团结”
，以“相聚、感恩、斗争?”来总结他的初志
，“包括大年头二武磊这批学生到崇明岛来给我庆祝生日
，5月份来北京给年指导庆生
，中?国足球需要这样的‘相聚’把一些起劲的因素传承下去
，让平博?足球坚持?一些活力、心气
，这也是为什么我坚持要武磊他们赶来
，他们确实?很辛勤
，吃了一个小时不到的饭
，去赶最后一班飞机了
。‘斗争’靠什??么
，我们这一代大大都走路都摇摇??晃晃了
，‘斗争’就靠他们！”

和根?宝同时代
，后在年维泗指点下转向曲棍球的体坛名宿赵书田
，赞颂了年维泗一生坚持的“认?认真真踢球
，老忠实实做人
，踏扎实实做事”的体育精神
，希望在这种“传承”的气氛中
，中国足球能重新焕发新的希望
。年维泗也郑重地吟诗一联回复：“心怀感恩忆已往
，永葆清心胸余生
。”

• 活动伊始
  ，国际教育学院以“中国与中亚：并肩偕行的运气配合体”为主题举行了中亚五国国际学生论坛
  ，各国学生齐聚学习
  ，泛论睦邻友好未来
  。
• 　　下砚村旧称砚石村
  ，新中国建设后始更名为“下砚村”
  。村民以董姓为主
  ，始祖孔昭公于元末明初
  ，自浙江入闽
  ，假寓下砚繁衍
  ，至今已有600多年
  。
• 　　果真信息显示
  ，宋锐出生于1962年11月
  ，大学学历
  ，项目治理硕士
• By BAR executive editor Glen Ford A n architect of regime-change, coups, no-fly zones, rule of the rich and mass incarceration is about to become Commander-in-Chief, yet the bulk of what passes for the Left is “engaged in a 1930s-style ‘united front’ against a ‘fascism’ that was never a threat in 21st century America.” Donald Trump, the orange menace, didn’t have a chance of becoming president. Hillary Clinton, on the other hand, is a 21st century fascist and threat to life on Earth. “Trump’s anti-“free trade” stance and opposition to regime change and military confrontation with Russia and China drove most of the Republican-allied section of the ruling class straight into Hillary Clinton’s imperial Big Tent.” Hillary Clinton’s impending — and totally predictable — landslide victory on November 8 will prove only that there never was any danger of a “fascist” white nationalist takeover of the U.S. executive branch of government in 2016. That was always a red (or “orange”) herring, a phony “barbarians at the gate” threat that — as Wikileaks documents [3] confirmed — John Podesta and Hillary’s other handlers fervently hoped would convey “lesser evil” status to their manifestly unpopular candidate. There was nothing particularly devious or out of the ordinary in the Hillary camp’s favoring Donald Trump or, alternatively, Ted Cruz. It is standard Democratic Party practice to position themselves just to the left of the Republicans. In a duopoly electoral system, victory lies in where the cake is cut. By hugging close to the GOP’s flanks, national Democratic candidates can lay claim to a “center-left” spectrum of political space that encompasses a clear majority of U.S. public opinion on most issues. By this calculus, Democrats are supposed to win, unless they are tripped up on the closely related issues of race (failure to “stand up” to the Blacks) and foreign policy (failure to “stand up” to whoever is the designated foreign enemy). There was nothing particularly devious or out of the ordinary in the Hillary camp’s favoring Donald Trump or, alternatively, Ted Cruz. It is standard Democratic Party practice to position themselves just to the left of the Republicans. In a duopoly electoral system, victory lies in where the cake is cut. Race is the trickiest part of the equation, since white supremacy is embedded in the American political conversation, hiding just beneath the surface of most discourse on social and economic policy. “His overt racism probably weakened his appeal to whites.” Trump thought he could win by combining an overt white racist appeal with an anti-corporate message that laid the blame on Wall Street for (white) American job losses and falling living standards. He also calculated — correctly, it turns out — that in the wake of the 2008 economic meltdown, many white Americans were more upset about their own economic and social status than they were angry at Russians; that they wanted regime change at home more than abroad. Both of Trump’s central policies backfired, dooming his campaign. His overt racism probably weakened his appeal to whites, who have given majorities to national Republicans since 1968 but whose self-image is that they are not, as individuals, racist. (Certainly, white women found further reason to reject his candidacy.) Much more spectacularly, Trump’s anti-“free trade” stance and opposition to regime change and military confrontation with Russia and China drove most of the Republican-allied section of the ruling class straight into Hillary Clinton’s imperial Big Tent. At the national level, the duopoly system, as we had known it, virtually ceased to exist – a fact dramatically driven home by the near-universal corporate media rejection of Donald Trump, the candidacy they had done so much to create. The near-collapse of the duopoly system was the great fracture of the 2016 election, a potential historic opening to a far wider space of progressive political struggle, including on the moribund electoral level. With the ruling class gathered in one Big Tent, and the overt racists occupying the imploded shell of the GOP, the system itself was in disarray. What was once two vibrant parties of the ruling class, with a virtual monopoly on the totality of the electorate, had become one ruling class party plus a hollowed-out husk, at least temporarily occupied by white nationalists under the leadership of a narcissistic and incoherent billionaire, yet without enough funds to mount a competitive general election campaign. “The near-collapse of the duopoly system was the great fracture of the 2016 election.” I n these pages, we had been saying since last year that Donald Trump could not win; that Bernie Sanders’ fate would be sealed in the southern primaries; and that, although ruling class money would insure Clinton an election by landslide, it could not buy her legitimacy among a significant section of the Democratic “base,” who would now be pushed to the latrine area of her Big Tent. As we wrote on May 18 [4] of this year: “Outsized fear of Trump is hysteria. These days, the ‘brown shirts’ wear blue. Hillary is the candidate of Wall Street, War and Austerity – not Trump, the racist America Firster. And, he can’t win, anyway – not with tens of millions of ‘moderate’ Republicans and most of the party’s funders rushing into Hillary’s welcoming embrace.” But sadly, hysteria does reign in most of the “left” precincts of America. Those who did not hesitate to kick Hillary when she appeared to be “down” — in those heady days when they imagined it was possible she could lose to Sanders — are terrified to kick her when she is “up” and primed to take the helm of the hyper-power. They are engaged in a 1930s-style “united front” against a “fascism” that was never a threat in 21 st century America, where a different kind of dictatorship of the rich (but also a fascism) has made brown-shirts (and Klansmen) utterly superfluous. These trembling leftists refuse to oppose the modern manifestation of fascism, which is now firmly entrenched in power with Hillary as its champion, in favor of a crusade against an “orange” menace that did not have a ghost of a chance of seizing national power. They have made themselves perfectly irrelevant and useless — except, of course, to the fascists-in-charge. Source URL: http://blackagendareport.com/ghost_fascists_vs_real_ones
• 　　课程竣事以后
  ，珍妮为了表达她对“狗宝宝”们的爱
  ，她总喜欢把它们叼到婴儿车内里
  。“珍妮此举启发了我”
  ，Ellen说：“既然她的无邪性那么好
  ，也许我能教她怎样推婴儿车
  。”